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ZION'S
WATCH
TOWER
ALLEGHENY,
PA.
cepted
of
him
in
the
Beloved,
for
love
worketh
no
ill
to
his
neighbor.
The
fourth
commandment
is
no
different
from
the
others
of
the
ten.
It
is
on
a
lower
plane
than
would
be
proper
for
the
House
of
Sons,
and
consequently
was
never
given
to
them.
It
merely
commands
rest
from
labor,
but
under
the
comprehensive
law
of
love
to
God
and
man,
and
through
the
possession
of
the
Father's
Spirit,
the
new
creatures
in
Christ
Jesus
have
a
higher
rest
than
had
the
natural
Israelites.
Ours
is
a
rest
of
faith
and
trust
in
God,
and
in
Christ
our
Lord
through
whom
he
is
working
all
things
according
to
the
counsel
of
his
own
will.
Ever
since
Pentecost
this
rest
of
the
people
of
God,
as
it
pertains
even
to
the
present
life,
is
perpetual,
and
not
merely
one
day
out
of
seven.
VOL.
XXVII
ALLEGHENY,
P
A.,
FEBRUARY
15,
1906
VIEWS
FROM
THE
WATCH
TOWER
No.4
SOCIALISTS
ALARM
BRITISH
London,
January
17.-The
first
almost
boundless
enthusi
asm,
with
which
official
Liberalism
greeted
the
results
of
the
elections,
is
giving
place
to
uneasiness,
in
which
the
whole
of
the
middle
classes
are
beginning
to
share,
at
the
phenomenal
and
quite
unexpected
successes
of
the
socialistic
labor
party.
The
purely
labor
members
already
number
thirty,
and
there
will
probably
be,
for
the
first
time
in
English
history,
a
solid
party
of
sixty
labor
members,
whose
admitted
demands
include
the
payment
of
members,
abolition
of
the
House
of
Lords,
Irish
Home
Rule,
and
nationalization
of
land,
telephones,
rail
ways,
factories,
mines,
shipping
and
all
other
instruments
of
production.
This
is
the
proclaimed
policy
of
the
national
administrative
council
of
the
Independent
Labor
Party,
whose
direct
nominees
these
labor
candidates
are.
In
many
of
these
proposals,
the
labor
party
has
the
support
of
both
the
Irish
Nationalists,
numbering
eighty,
and
probably
one·fourth
of
the
new
Liberal
members,
many
of
whom
were
elected
on
distinct
labor
pledges,
makin~
altogether
a
party
formidable
enough
to
terrorize
the
minIstry
and
party
which
includes
railway
directors,
chairmen
of
telephone
companies,
rich
manu
facturers
and
other
representative
capitalists.
This
is
why
elections
are
spoken
of
as
more
than
a
mere
party
landside:
they
mean
a
revolution
in
English
politics,
the
end
of
which
no
man
can
see.
The
Times,
which
has
been
a
thorough
supporter
of
Mr.
Chamberlain's
fiscal
policy,
says
that
"while
the
Unionists
and
Liberals
have
been
disputing
about
their
own
issues,
fiscal
reform,
popularly
controlled
education,
and
Chinese
labor
in
South
Africa,
another
vast
issue
has
been
shaping
itself
quietly
and
silently,
without
observation.
That
issue
is
whether
the
working
classes,
who
form
the
bulk
of
the
electorate,
are
to
dictate
a
poliey
they
desire,
or
go
on
contented
with
choosing
between
the
policies
offered
by
the
traditional
parties."
They
decided
for
the
first
alternative,
they
are
asserting
their
power.
Hence
the
Times
adds,
"The
city
of
London,
by
the
emphatic
return
of
Unionists
yesterday,
shows
that
financiers
and
busi
ness
men
realize
the
greater
econo'mic
dangers
ahead,
than
any
of
the
Chamberlain
proposals
could
produce
at
their
worst."
-Montreal
Star.
"LOOKING
AFTER
THE
THINGS
COMING"
That
the
British
are
greatly
stirred
over
the
peaceable
"Revolution"
just
started
by
the
Socialists
and
Labor
party
at
the
polls
is
evident.
The
London
"Daily
Mail"
states
the
matter
concisely,
thus:
"Public
curiosity
is
naturally
excited
as
to
what
is
the
meaning
of
the
return
of
so
many
Labor
members
to
the
new
Parliament.
So
long
as
Labor
and
Socialist
agitators
had
to
confine
their
oratory
and
efforts
to
street-corner
meetings
and
market-place
demonstrations,
the
'respectable'
portion
of
the
community
looked
upon
them
with
contemptuous
in
difference.
But
when
great
industrial
constituencies
begin
to
send
these
agitators
to
Parliament
the
matter
assumes
a
serious
aspect.
What
does
it
all
mean'
Is
it
a
revolution'
Does
it
portend
the
overthrow
of
existing
institutions'
Is
the
coun
try
threatened
with
ruin
by
the
coming
of
this
new
power
into
politics
1
"It
certainly
means
a
revolution
in
the
sense
that
the
purpose
of
Labor
Representation
is
to
use
political
power
in
quite
a
different
way
and
for
quite
a
different
purpose
from
its
past
uses.
"1
am
not
concerned
now
to
justify
the
policy
and
the
object
of
the
Labor
Representation
movement.
We
are
satisfied
of
the
wisdom
of
the
policy
and
the
justice
of
the
object.
I
want
now
only
to
explain
the
policy
and
the
object
for
the
information
of
those
who
do
not
understand
either.
Then
they
may
banish
their
fears
or
strengthen
their
defences,
just
as
their
wisdom
or
self-interest
dictates."
GERllrlAN
KAISER
FEARS
SAME
FATE
AS
CZAR
One
German
authority
says
that
the
German
emperor
has
been
deepl!
impressed
by
the
fate
which
has
overtaken
his
royal
relatlve,
the
czar
of
Russia.
It
would
have
been
im-
possible,
it
is
argued,
for
the
Russia
revolutionaries
to
have
made
any
headway
in
Russia
if
it
had
not
been
for
the
un
expected
defeat
of
the
Russian
armies
and
navies
at
the
hands
of
the
Japanese.
A
shock
to
the
German
arms,
the
destruc
tion
of
German
prestige,
and
the
kaiser
knows
he
would
be
as
much
at
the
mercy
of
the
revolutionary
forces
as
is
the
czar
today.
More
than
he
fears
France,
more
than
he
fears
England,
the
kaiser
fears
the
growth
of
Socialism
at
home.
His
increase
in
the
army
and
the
navy
is
really
for
the
purpose
of
putting
down
rebellion
at
home.
Except
in
the
case
of
an
extremity
the
kaiser
would
never
appeal
to
a
contest
at
arms
to
settle
a
difficulty
with
any
of
the
great
powers
of
earth.
It
is
necessary
for
him
to
create
the
impression
that
the
country
is
on
the
verge
of
war
with
great
foreign
powers
in
order
to
beat
the
Socialists,
but
war
is
the
last
thing
the
kaiser
wants,
and
the
last
thing
that
he
expects.
This
same
authority
says
the
kaiser
has
learned
other
lessons
from
the
Russian
trouble
which
he
will
not
be
slow
to
act
upon
in
the
case
of
necessity.
For
instance,
among
the
really
first-class
powers,
next
to
Russia,
the
German
Gov
ernment
has
undoubtedly
been
the
most
autocratic
and
despotic.
The
kaiser
has
seen
the
collapse
of
an
autocratic
form
of
government,
the
complete
breakdown
of
a
state
managed
by
the
bureaucracy,
and
he
is
said
to
have
deliberately
told
some
of
the
elder
statesmen
of
Germany
that
the
policy
of
his
government
in
the
future
must
be
more
and
more
in
the
direc
tion
of
a
constit.utional
government.
OMINOUS
SIGNS
Should
Russia,
in
course
of
time
and
after
a
glut
of
horrors,
become
a
Socialist
or
a
semi-Socialist
state,
the
revolutionary
wave
would
spread,
for
good
or
ill,
to
other
nations.
Already
we
read
of
Austrians
and
Hungarians
insisting
upon
universal
suffrage,
and
a
delegation
of
no
less
than
200,000
workingmen
filling
the
Vienna
ringstrasse
to
impress
parliament
with
their
earnestness
in
making
the
demand.
In
Germany,
the
Socialists,
inspired
by
events
in
Russia,
have
begun
an
agitation
for
the
reform
of
the
election
laws
which
will
give
them
the
representation
in
the
Reichstag,
possibly
a
majority
of
that
body,
to
which
they
are
entitled.
On
Jan.
14
they
will
distribute
300,000
copies
of
a
revolu
tionary
manifesto,
and
on
Jan.
31
they
plan
to
hold
250
public
demonstrations.
The
Kaiser's
advisers
are
urging
him
to
em
ploy
troops
to
suppress
this
menacing
agitation.-Cleveland
(0.)
Press.
VERY
SAD
IF
TRUE
The
Daily
press
of
New
York
has
published
the
essence
of
an
address
given
by
President
Faunce
before
the
Baptist
ministers
of
New
York
city.
They
say
he
utterly
denied
the
doctrine
of
atonement
and
rejected
it
from
his
belief.
The
Doctor
has
not
denied
this
version
of
his
address
and
hence
we
suppose
it
is
true.
Is
there
any
wonder
that
students
go
wrong
when
college
presidents
lead
the
way'
Is
not
Dr.
Patton
right
in
saying
that,
with
colleges
as
now
constituted,
there
will
be
no
Christianity
left
at
the
close
of
the
twentieth
century'
But
God
can
raise
up
his
witness
outside
of
the
college
in
the
future,
just
as
he
has
done
in
the
past,
and
he
wiH
witness
outsiile
of
the
college
in
the
future
just
as
he
has
done
in
the
past.-Watchword
and
Truth.
REFORM
IN
PERSIA,
TOO
"The
dominion
of
the
Shah
is
about
the
last
in
the
world,
now
that
Russia
is
abandoning
autocracy
and
China
is
con
sidering
domestic
reforms,
where
a
demand
for
constitutional
government
would
be
expected,
or,
if
made,
would
be
granted.
Persia
is
an
absolute
monarchy
of
the
Oriental
type,
resting
solely
upon
force,
and
the
slightest
whim
of
the
ruler
has
been
considered
law.
Yet
the
St.
Petersburg
dispatch,
based
upon
reports
by
caravan,
declare
that
a
thousand
merchants
and
mullahs,
or
priests,
becoming
dissatisfied
with
the
Shah's
rule,
left
the
capital
as
a
protest
and
were
afterward
recon
ciled
by
Muzafer
ed
Din's
consent
to
the
election
of
a
repre·
sentative
body
chosen
by
the
merchants,
priests
and
land·
[3722]
(53-52) cepted of him in the Beloved, for love worketh no ill to his neighbor. The fourth commandment is no different from the others of the ten. It is on a lower plane than would be proper for the House of Sons, and consequently was never given to them. It merely commands rest from labor, but under the comprehensive law of love to God and man, and through the possession of Vou. XXVII ALLEGHENY, PA., FEBRUARY 15, 1906 ZION’S WATCH TOWER ALLecHENy, Pa. the Father’s Spirit, the new creatures in Christ Jesus have a higher rest than had the natural Israelites. Ours is a rest of faith and trust in God, and in Christ our Lord through whom he is working all things according to the counsel of his own will, Ever since Pentecost this rest of the people of God, as it pertains even to the present life, is perpetual, and not merely one day out of seven. No. 4 VIEWS FROM THE WATCH TOWER SOCIALISTS ALARM BRITISH London, January 17-—The first almost boundless enthusiasm, with which official Liberalism greeted the results of the elections, is giving place to uneasiness, in which the whole of the middle classes are beginning to share, at the phenomenal and quite unexpected successes of the socialistic labor party. The purely labor members already number thirty, and there will probably be, for the first time in English history, a solid party of sixty labor members, whose admitted demands include the payment of members, abolition of the House of Lords, Irish Home Rule, and nationalization of land, telephones, railways, factories, mines, shipping and all other instruments of production. This is the proclaimed policy of the national administrative council of the Independent Labor Party, whose direct nominees these labor candidates are. In many of these proposals, the labor party has the support of both the Irish Nationalists, numbering eighty, and probably one-fourth of the new Liberal members, many of whom were elected on distinct labor pledges, making altogether a party formidable enough to terrorize the ministry and party which includes railway directors, chairmen of telephone companies, rich manufacturers and other representative capitalists. This is why elections are spoken of as more than a mere party landside: they mean a revolution in English politics, the end of which no man can see. The Times, which has been a thorough supporter of Mr. Chamberlain’s fiscal policy, says that ‘‘while the Unionists and Liberals have been disputing about their own issues, fiscal reform, popularly controlled education, and Chinese labor in South Africa, another vast issue has been shaping itself quietly and silently, without observation. That issue is whether the working classes, who form the bulk of the electorate, are to dictate a policy they desire, or go on contented with choosing between the policies offered by the traditional parties.’’ They decided for the first alternative, they are asserting their power. Hence the Times adds, ‘‘The city of London, by the emphatic return of Unionists yesterday, shows that financiers and business men realize the greater economic dangers ahead, than any of the Chamberlain proposals could produce at their worst.’’ —Montreal Star. ‘LOOKING AFTER THE THINGS COMING’ That the British are greatly stirred over the peaceable ‘*Revolution’’ just started by the Socialists and Labor party at the polls is evident. The London ‘‘Daily Mail’’ states the matter concisely, thus: ‘*Public curiosity is naturally excited as to what is the meaning of the return of so many Labor members to the new Parliament. So long as Labor and Socialist agitators had to confine their oratory and efforts to street-corner meetings and market-place demonstrations, the ‘respectable’ portion of the community looked upon them with contemptuous indifference. But when great industrial constituencies begin to send these agitators to Parliament the matter assumes a serious aspect. What does it all mean? Is it a revolution? Does it portend the overthrow of existing institutions? Is the eountry threatened with ruin by the coming of this new power into politics? ‘‘¥t certainly means a revolution in the sense that the purpose of Labor Representation is to use political power in quite a different way and for quite a different purpose from its past uses. “‘T am not concerned now to justify the policy and the object of the Labor Representation movement. We are satisfied of the wisdom of the policy and the justice of the object. I want now only to explain the policy and the object for the information of those who do not understand either. Then they may banish their fears or strengthen their defences, just as their wisdom or self-interest dictates. ’’ GERMAN KAISER FEARS SAME FATE AS CZAR One German authority says that the German emperor has been deeply impressed by the fate which has overtaken his royal relative, the czar of Russia. It would have been im possible, it is argued, for the Russia revolutionaries to have made any headway in Russia if it had not been for the unexpected defeat of the Russian armies and navies at the hands of the Japanese. A shock to the German arms, the destruction of German prestige, and the kaiser knows he would be as much at the mercy of the revolutionary forces as is the ezar today. More than he fears France, more than he fears England, the kaiser fears the growth of Socialism at home. His inerease in the army and the navy is really for the purpose of putting down rebellion at home. Except in the case of an extremity the kaiser would never appeal to a contest at arms to settle a difficulty with any of the great powers of earth. It is necessary for him to create the impression that the country is on the verge of war with great foreign powers in order to beat the Socialists, but war is the last thing the kaiser wants, and the last thing that he expects. This same authority says the kaiser has learned other lessons from the Russian trouble which he will not be slow to act upon in the case of necessity. For instance, among the really first-class powers, next to Russia, the German Government has undoubtedly been the most autocratic and despotic. The kaiser has seen the collapse of an autocratic form of government, the complete breakdown of a state managed by the bureaucracy, and he is said to have deliberately told some of the elder statesmen of Germany that the policy of his government in the future must be more and more in the direction of a constitutional government. OMINOUS SIGNS Should Russia, in course of time and after a glut of horrors, become a Socialist or a semi-Socialist state, the revolutionary wave would spread, for good or ill, to other nations. Already we read of Austrians and Hungarians insisting upon universal suffrage, and a delegation of no less than 200,000 workingmen filling the Vienna ringstrasse to impress parliament with their earnestness in making the demand. In Germany, the Socialists, inspired by events in Russia, have begun an agitation for the reform of the election laws which will give them the representation in the Reichstag, possibly a majority of that body, to which they are entitled. On Jan. 14 they will distribute 300,000 copies of a revolutionary manifesto, and on Jan. 31 they plan to hold 250 public demonstrations, The Kaiser’s advisers are urging him to employ troops to suppress this menacing agitation—Cleveland (O.) Press. VERY SAD IF TRUE The Daily press of New York has published the essence of an address given by President Faunce before the Baptist ministers of New York city. They say he utterly denied the doctrine of atonement and rejected it from his belief. The Doctor has not denied this version of his address and hence we suppose it is true. Is there any wonder that students go wrong when college presidents lead the way? Is not Dr. Patton right in saying that, with colleges as now constituted, there will be no Christianity left at the close of the twentieth century? But God can raise up his witness outside of the college in the future, just as he has done in the past, and he will witness outside of the college in the future just as he has done in the past.—Watchword and Truth. REFORM IN PEBSIA, TOO ‘*The dominion of the Shah is about the last in the world, now that Russia is abandoning autocracy and China is considering domestic reforms, where a demand for constitutional government would be expected, or, if made, would be granted. Persia is an absolute monarchy of the Oriental type, resting solely upon force, and the slightest whim of the ruler has been considered law. Yet the St. Petersburg dispatch, based upon reports by caravan, declare that a thousand merchants and mullahs, or priests, becoming dissatisfied with the Shah’s rule, left the capital as a protest and were afterward reconciled by Muzafer ed Din’s consent to the election of a representative body chosen by the merchants, priests and land [3722]
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