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YOLo
XXXII
BROOKLYN,
N.
Y.,
FEBRUARY
15,
1911
VIEWS
FROM
THE
WATCH
TOWER
No.4
DANGER
POINT
IN
GERMANY
NEAR
ment
to
be
thus
freed
from
the
imperial
control,
the
Emperor,
Years
ago
the
German
Emperor,
although
osten.sibly
the
acting
upon
his
claim
of
divine
right
to
reign,
would
put
head
of
a
Protestant
church,
found
it
necessary
to
conciliate
the
country
under
imperial
law
without
a
Parliament,
and
the
representatives
of
the
Centrist-Catholic
Party,
which
reign
as
an
autocrat.
It
is
further
feared
that
,such
a
move
previously
had
been
decreed
by
his
government
to
be
the
would
mean
civil
strife,
anarchy,
bloodshed.
All
seem
agreed
"powers
of
,larkness."
By
now
the
Socialists
and
other
that
the
issue
between
the
Kaiser
and
the
people
cannot
raflical
parties
in
ParlianH'nt
are
lIumerically
so
strong
and
long
be
deferred
of
solution.
so
oppose,l
to
the
Kaiser's
schemes
that
his
government
poli-
The
German
Chancellor
is
quoted
as
using
the
following
des
woul,l
fail
without
the
Catholic
support.
language:
"The
revolutionary
character
of
the
Socialist
Socinlists
in
thp
Reichstng
(Parliament)
twit
the
Em-
party
becomes
more
pronounced
and
brutal
in
its
character.
pernr
an,!
the
Catholics
with
the
wggestion
that
as
the
Dr.
Carl
Liebknecht,
a
Social-Democrat
of
the
Prussian
Diet,
Catholi,'s
were
onee
officially
known
as
the
"powers
of
in
an
addre.ss
delivered
in
the
United
States
recently,
said
darkness,"
an,!
opposed
to
the
government
which
represents
that
the
conditions
in
Germany
were
such
as
might
cause
the
llh
inl'
"'ill,
so
their
coming
into
power
with
the
govern-
the
German
crown
to
be
blown
away
in
a
single
night,
just
ml'nt
shoul,l
he
understood
:n
a
return
of
,livine
favor
toward
as
was
the
case
with
Portugal.
Our
nation
must
have
a
clear
them;
and
tlwt
now
that
Socialists
are
coming
into
power,
answer
to
expressions
of
such
character.
The
Socialists
and
thi,~
should
he
reganled
by
the
Emperor
and
all
as
the
latest
all
those
teaching
the
masses
that
prosperity
can
come
to
manifestation
of
,Ii
vine
will.
them
only
after
the
overthrow
of
the
present
form
of
gov-
The
Emperor
is
seeking
to
impress
the
people
with
the
ernment,
are
responsible
when
the
masses
draw
practical
can-
thought
that
they
are
his
subjects,
and
that
he
is
respon-
elusions
from
such
teachings.
For
this
reason
I
hold
the
sible
to
Go,!
far
their
govemment.
'l'hus
politics
and
religion
Socialists
responsible
for
the
exces.ses
that
were
recently
are
more
strongly
than
ever
united.
And
the
Pope's
wishes
committed
and
the
strife
in
M:oabit,
Berlin,
and
elsewhere.
become
pradically
the
law
in
Germany.
'Whoever
sows
wind
will
reap
a
whirlwind.'
"
Meanwhile
the
pre,,;,'nt
Pope
is
asserting
himself
against
CONSCIENCE
IN
ACCUSATION
what.
ho
styles
modemism-higher
critical
infidelity,
etc.
It
is
a
fact
that
in
their
offensive
tactics
many
of
our
ITe
hns
ref'ently
issllI',l
an
e,lid
that
all
ministers
of
the
public
men
are
deficient
either
in
conscience
or
in
manner,
Catholic
church
shall
be
examined
and
sworn
as
respects
or
in
bath.
They
make
charges
against
their
opponents
reck-
their
lovaltv
to
th"
Bihle
and
to
the
church
of
Rome-the
les.sly.
They
say
things
which
they
cannot
prove
and
which
tests
eXten:ling
even
to
theological
students,
and
requiring
it
is
only
charitable
to
their
intellectuals
to
assume
they
do
of
them
an
oath
annually.
not
believe.
The
Catholic
prie.sts
of
Germany
receh'e
support
from
It
seems
to
be
the
idea
that
if
you
throw
enough
mud
the
German
treasury,
as
do
the
Protestant
ministers.
The
some
of
it
will
stick,
and
none
of
it
will
spatter
yourself;
latter
arc
resenting
the
Pope's
demands,
while
the
Emperor
that
if
you
throw
enough
clubs
some
will
land,
and
none
inclinps
to
support
them.
Thus
a
new
cause
of
friction
is
return,
boomerang
fashion,
on
your
own
head.
introdui'pd
into
Gt'rm:ln
affairs.
The
Emperor
must
stand
We
say
this
notion
is
wrong.
We
believe
that
men
who
hy
the
Catholic
party
in
Parliamellt,
in
oriler
to
have
pas.sed
are
carele.ss
in
their
words
are
equally
careless
in
their
acts.
his
schemes
for
a
gn'at
navy
an,l
militarism
in
general.
The
man
who,
without
justification,
calls
anoth"r
a
rogu"
is
The
Socialist
s
:nlll
Liberals
in
Parliament
are
demand-
the
man
who
will
bear
watching,
for
too
often
he
credits
ing
separation
of
church
and
state,
such
as
we
have
in
the
the
other
man
with
the
same
motives
that
control
himself,
Fnitp,l
States;
SUi'h
ns
has
recently
been
established
in
and
assumes
that
the
other
man
has
done
what,
with
the
France
and
Portugal.
same
opportunities,
he
would
do
himself.
The
('onflit>t
],d\H~eJl
Parlinment,
the
law-making
body,
Bearing
false
witness,
however,
is
more
than
an
un-
anf}
the
Emperor
an,l
his
executive
boanl
of
administration
favorable
symptom.
It
is
itself
an
offense
almost
equal-
of
govprnm"llt.
grows
in
intensity.
The
Emperor's
pro-
in
the
scales
of
eternal
justice
probably
held
entirely
equal
nonnf'eml'nt
that
hp
rpigns
not
hy
the
will
of
the
German
-to
the
offense
charged.
people,
but
by
the
grace
of
Gad,
is
publicly
declared
in
The
habit
is
not
even
good
polities.
It
goes
against
Parliament
to
he
an
nttai'k
upon
the
people
and
their
Parlia-
average
human
nature,
which
is
.sportsmanlike
and
fair;
ment.
Thp
theory
01'pospd
to
thc
Emperor
is
that
he
holdil
and
even
the
brutalized
atmosphere
of
the
ringside
instinc-
his
authority
in
the
State
of
Prussia
by
the
gift
of
the
peo-
tively
hisses
the
foul
blow.
What
does
it
profit
one
to
ex-
1'1<'
th,'re,
allll
that
his
title
ns
emperor
of
all
the
Germans
hibit
himself
as
a
man
eager
to
win,
regardless
of
every-
i':lll1P
10
him
from
the
Gprll1nn
Parliament,
which,
having
thing
else'
There
is
real
chivalry
in
human
nature.
Every
(']'e:ltpd
him
nn
pmperar,
is
his
superior
and
fully
qualified
manifestation
of
it
has
a
universal
response.
Why
should
to
1:11(p
from
llim
the
Emperorship,
and,
if
it
choose,
to
it
be
considered
bad
politics'
crpate
a
R<'jlUblic.
Maybe
we
are
wrong,
but
our
theory
is
that
conscieni'e-
Dr.
David
recently
lleclared
in
Parlinment
that
the
Kaiser
less
accusation
derives
as
much
from
ignorance
ns
from
hn,l
written
into
the"
gold
book"
of
the
German
people,
as
malice.
Many
public
men
conduct
campaigns
on
person
ali-
intpn,ll',l
for
pternity,
the
message,
"by
divine
right
I
am
ties
because
they
have
not
qualified
to
conduct
them
an
ldng;
henee,
nIll
resl'0nsihlp
to
the
Lord
alone.
The
weighty
issues.
It
is
easier
to
accuse,
to
clamor,
to
rail,
than
it
is
rpsponsibility,
therefore,
which
the
king
bears
for
his
people
to
get
clear
to
the
bottom
of
a
political
or
economic
issue.
gi\'es
lJim
thp
right
to
expect
faithful
co-operation
on
the
understand
it
yourself,
and
then
so
present
it
that
others
1':lrt
of
his
subjects."
can
understand
it.
"But,"
said
Dr.
David,
"we
are
no
subjects.
We
are
The
mast
sobering
thing
in
the
world
is
adequate
knowl-
frl'e
citizens
of
a
8tnte.
The
people
gave
the
Prussian
king
edge
of
a
subject,
an
appraisal
of
it
from
all
sides.
Those
his
crown
in
the
h:\ttles
of
liberty,
ann,
as
for
the
crown
who
achieve
this
knowledge
nece.ssarily
speak
words
of
of
the
Empire,
the
matter
is
clear
that
the
Kaiser
received
truth
and
soberness.
They
have
neither
the
irirlination
nor
It
from
the
Reichstag"
(Parliament).
the
time
to
utter
anything
else.-New
York
Evening
Mail.
Another
relll'esentative,
Leilebour.
said
that
German
citi-
*
*
*
zenship
is
stan,ling
face
to
face
with
a
question
of
destiny.
The
lack
of
conscientiousness
noted
by
the
Mail
amongst
"Perhaps
this
CjllPstion
is
being
raised
for
the
last
time,"
he
politicians
spems
rqually
noticeable
amongst
theologians
and
~ontinuell.
'"
"'Ve
coulll
fight
our
battle
alone,
and
the
others
who,
in
profes.sing
the
name
of
Christ,
imply
that
the.v
result
woul,l
be
t
hat
all
the
men
of
people's
parties
who
respect
the
standards
of
God's
Won},
while
their
words
ana
disdain
the
divine
right
of
kings,
etc.,
would
ultimately
come
conduct
give
the
lie
to
their
prof9ssions.
on
our
side.
If
we
(80ciaILsts)
fight
together
with
you
PRESBYTERIAN
MINISTERIAL
UNBELIEF
(Liberals)
we
will
still
maintain
our
aims.
We
hold
fast
The
New
York
Presbytery
not
long
since
licensed
Rev
to
our
Republican
,}em:lllds.
As
in
other
bnds,
so
in
Ger-
N.
M.
Thomas
to
preach
the
Gospel
as
representative
af
the
many.
Repuhlicanism
must
be
fully
developed.
The
spirit
Pre.sbyterian
denomination.
The
\'otp
granting
the
license
of
the
times,
which
the
Kaiser
ha'l
declared
pernicious,
mm~t
was
thirty-four
against
ten
who
proteste,l-and
the
ten
arc
be
victorious
....
If
you
will
fight
with
us,
we
will
ulti-
not
active
Pastors
in
charge
of
churehes.
The
mental
atti
mately
win.
An,}
if
the
world
were
full
of
tlevils,
we
woulll,
tude
m
the
Presbyterian
Ministers
of
the
New
York
Presby-
nevertheless,
succeed."
tery
is,
therefore,
reflectrd
in
th0
faith
of
Re\'.
Thomas,
The
approaching
issue
ill
Germany
is
equal
and
un-
which
may
be
judged
from
the
following
items
of
protest:-
limited
franchise
to
rich
an,}
poor
alike.
The
Socialists
be-
"He
did
not
accept
thl'
authority
of
Holy
Scripture
as
lieyl'
that
this
paint
gaim',l
will
mean
a
peaceable
revolution
the
only
infallible
rulp
of
faith
an,l
practise
as
,sufficient
in
Germany.
Others
fear
that
rather
than
permit
the
Parlia-
to
finally
determine
his
faith.
This
appeared
in
his
1'0-
(51-52)
[4762]
Vout. XXXII No. 4 BROOKULYN, N. Y., FEBRUARY 15, 1911 VIEWS FROM THE WATCH TOWER DANGER POINT IN GERMANY NEAR Years ago the German Emperor, although ostensibly the head of a Protestant church, found it necessary to conciliate the representatives of the Centrist-Catholie Party, which previously had been decreed by his government to be the ‘‘powers of darkness.’’ By now the Socialists and other radical parties in Parliament are numerically so strong and so opposed to the Kaiser’s schemes that his government policies would fail without the Catholie support. Socialists in the Reichstag (Parliament) twit the Emperor and the Catholics with the suggestion that as the Catholics were once officially known as the ‘‘powers of darkness,’? and opposed to the government which represents the divine will, so their coming into powcr with the government should be understood as a return of divine favor toward them; and that now that Socialists are coming into power, this should be regarded by the Empcror and all as the latest manifestation of divine will. The Emperor is secking to impress the people with the thought that they are his subjects, and that he is responsible to God for their government. Thus politics and religion are more strongly than ever united. And the Pope’s wishes become practically the law in Germany. Meanwhile the present Pope is asserting himself against what he styles modernism—higher eritical infidelity, ete. Ile has reeently issued an edict that all ministers of the Catholic church shall be examined and sworn as respects their loyalty to the Bible and to the church of Rome—the tests extending even to theological students, and requiring of them an oath annually. The Catholie priests of Germany receive support from the German treasury, as do the Protestant ministers. The latter are resenting the Pope’s demands, while the Emperor inclines to support them. Thus a new cause of friction is introdueed into German affairs. The Emperor must stand by the Catholic party in Parliament, in order to have passed his schemes for a great navy and militarism in general. The Socialists and Liberals in Parliament are demanding separation of church and state, such as we have in the United States; such as has recently been established in France and Portugal. The conflict between Parliament, the law-making body, and the Emperor and his executive board of administration of government grows in intensity. The Emperor’s pronouneement that he reigns not by the will of the German people, but by the grace of God, is publicly declared in Parliament to be an attack upon the people and their Parliament. The theory opposed to the Emperor is that he holds his authority in the State of Prussia by the gift of the people there, and that his title as emperor of ail the Germans eame to him from the German Parliament, which, having created him an emperor, is his superior and fully qualified te take from him the Emperorship, and, if it choose, to ereate a Republic. Dr. David recently declared in Parliament that the Kaiser had written into the ‘‘gold book’’ of the German people, as intended for cternity, the message, ‘‘by divine right I am king; henec, am responsible to the Lord alone. The weighty responsibility, therefore, which the king bears for his people gives him the right to expect faithful co-operation on the part of his subjects.’?’ “«But,’’ said Dr. David, ‘‘we are no subjects. We are free citizens of a State. The people gave the Prussian king his erown in the battles of liberty, and, as for the crown of the Empire, the matter is clear that the Kaiser received it from the Reichstag’’ (Parliament). Another representative, Ledebour, said that German citizenship is standing face to face with a question of destiny. ‘Perhaps this question is being raised for the last time,’’ he continued. .. ‘*We eould fight our battle alone, and the result would be that all the men of people’s parties who disdain the divine right of kings, etc., would ultimately come on our side. If we (Socialists) fight together with you (Liberals) we will still maintain our aims. We hold fast to our Republican demands. As in other Jands, so in Germany. Republicanism must be fully developed. The spirit of the times, which the Kaiser had declared pernicious, must be victorious. ... If you will fight with us, we will ultimately win. And if the world were full of devils, we would, nevertheless, succeed.’’ The approaching issue in Germany is equal and unlimited franchise to rich and poor alike. The Socialists believe that this point gained will mean a peaceable revolution in Germany. Others fear that rather than permit the Parlia (51-52) ment to be thus freed from the imperial control, the Emperor, acting upon his claim of divine right to reign, would put the country under imperial law without a Parliament, and reign as an autocrat. It is further feared that such a move would mean civil strife, anarchy, bloodshed. All seem agreed that the issue between the Kaiser and the people cannot long be deferred of solution. The German Chancellor is quoted as using the following language: ‘‘The revolutionary character of the Socialist party becomes more pronounced and brutal in its character. Dr. Carl Liebknecht, a Social-Democrat of the Prussian Diet, in an address delivered in the United States recently, said that the conditions in Germany were such as might cause the German crown to be blown away in a single night, just as was the case with Portugal. Our nation must have a clear answer to expressions of such character. The Socialists and all those teaching the masses that prosperity can come to them only after the overthrow of the present form of government, are responsible when the masses draw practical conclusions from such teachings. For this reason I hold the Socialists responsible for the excesses that were recently committed and the strife in Moabit, Berlin, and elsewhere. “Whoever sows wind will reap a whirlwind.’ ”’ CONSCIENCE IN ACCUSATION It is a fact that in their offensive tactics many of our public men are deficient either in conscience or in manner, or in both. They make charges against their opponents recklessly. They say things which they cannot prove and which it is only charitable to their intellectuals to assume they do not believe. It seems to be the idea that if you throw enough mud some of it will stick, and none of it will spatter yourself; that if you throw enough clubs some will land, and none return, boomerang fashion, on your own head. We say this notion is wrong. We believe that men who are careless in their words are equally careless in their acts. The man who, without justification, calls another a rogue is the man who will bear watching, for too often he credits the other man with the same motives that control himself, and assumes that the other man has done what, with the same opportunities, he would do himself. Bearing false witness, however, is more than an unfavorable symptom. It is itself an offense almost cqual— in the scales of eternal justice probably held entirely equal —to the offense charged. The habit is not even good politics. It goes against average human nature, which is sportsmanlike and fair; and even the brutalized atmosphere of the ringside instinetively hisses the foul blow. What does it profit one to exhibit himself as a man eager to win, regardless of everything else? There is real chivalry in human nature. Every manifestation of it has a universal response. Why should it be considered bad politics? Maybe we are wrong, but our theory is that conscienceless accusation derives as much from ignorance as from malice. Many public men conduct campaigns on personalities because they have not qualified to conduct them on issues. It is easier to accuse, to clamor, to rail, than it is to get clear to the bottom of a political or economic issuc, understand it yourself, and then so present it that others can understand it. The most sobering thing in the world is adequate know]edge of a subject, an appraisal of it from all sides. Those who achieve this knowledge necessarily speak words of truth and soberness. They have neither the inclination nor the time to utter anything else—New York Evening Mail. * * * The lack of conscientiousness noted by the Mail amongst politicians seems equally noticeable amongst theologians and others who, in professing the name of Christ, imply that they respect the standards of God’s Word, while their words and conduct give the lie to their professions. PRESBYTERIAN MINISTERIAL UNBELIEF The New York Presbytery not long since licensed Rev N. M. Thomas to preach the Gospel as representative of the Presbyterian denomination. The vote granting the license was thirty-four against ten who protested—and the ten are not active Pastors in charge of churehes. The mental atti tude of the Presbyterian Ministers of the New York Presbytery is, therefore, reflected in the faith of Rev. Thomas, which may be judged from the following items of protest:— ‘‘He did not accept the authority of Holy Scripture as the only infallible rule of faith and practise as sufficient to finally determine his faith. This appeared in his re [4762]
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