Publication date
3/1/11
Volume
32
Number
5
The WatchTower
Views From The Watch Tower
/../literature/watchtower/1911/5/1911-5-1.html
 
 
YOLo 
XXXII 
BROOKLYN, 
N. 
Y., 
FEBRUARY 
15, 
1911 
VIEWS 
FROM 
THE 
WATCH 
TOWER 
No.4 
DANGER 
POINT 
IN 
GERMANY 
NEAR 
ment 
to 
be 
thus 
freed 
from 
the 
imperial 
control, 
the 
Emperor, 
Years 
ago 
the 
German 
Emperor, 
although 
osten.sibly 
the 
acting 
upon 
his 
claim 
of 
divine 
right 
to 
reign, 
would 
put 
head 
of 
Protestant 
church, 
found 
it 
necessary 
to 
conciliate 
the 
country 
under 
imperial 
law 
without 
Parliament, 
and 
the 
representatives 
of 
the 
Centrist-Catholic 
Party, 
which 
reign 
as 
an 
autocrat. 
It 
is 
further 
feared 
that 
,such 
move 
previously 
had 
been 
decreed 
by 
his 
government 
to 
be 
the 
would 
mean 
civil 
strife, 
anarchy, 
bloodshed. 
All 
seem 
agreed 
"powers 
of 
,larkness." 
By 
now 
the 
Socialists 
and 
other 
that 
the 
issue 
between 
the 
Kaiser 
and 
the 
people 
cannot 
raflical 
parties 
in 
ParlianH'nt 
are 
lIumerically 
so 
strong 
and 
long 
be 
deferred 
of 
solution. 
so 
oppose,l 
to 
the 
Kaiser's 
schemes 
that 
his 
government 
poli- 
The 
German 
Chancellor 
is 
quoted 
as 
using 
the 
following 
des 
woul,l 
fail 
without 
the 
Catholic 
support. 
language: 
"The 
revolutionary 
character 
of 
the 
Socialist 
Socinlists 
in 
thp 
Reichstng 
(Parliament) 
twit 
the 
Em- 
party 
becomes 
more 
pronounced 
and 
brutal 
in 
its 
character. 
pernr 
an,! 
the 
Catholics 
with 
the 
wggestion 
that 
as 
the 
Dr. 
Carl 
Liebknecht, 
Social-Democrat 
of 
the 
Prussian 
Diet, 
Catholi,'s 
were 
onee 
officially 
known 
as 
the 
"powers 
of 
in 
an 
addre.ss 
delivered 
in 
the 
United 
States 
recently, 
said 
darkness," 
an,! 
opposed 
to 
the 
government 
which 
represents 
that 
the 
conditions 
in 
Germany 
were 
such 
as 
might 
cause 
the 
llh 
inl' 
"'ill, 
so 
their 
coming 
into 
power 
with 
the 
govern- 
the 
German 
crown 
to 
be 
blown 
away 
in 
single 
night, 
just 
ml'nt 
shoul,l 
he 
understood 
:n 
return 
of 
,livine 
favor 
toward 
as 
was 
the 
case 
with 
Portugal. 
Our 
nation 
must 
have 
clear 
them; 
and 
tlwt 
now 
that 
Socialists 
are 
coming 
into 
power, 
answer 
to 
expressions 
of 
such 
character. 
The 
Socialists 
and 
thi,~ 
should 
he 
reganled 
by 
the 
Emperor 
and 
all 
as 
the 
latest 
all 
those 
teaching 
the 
masses 
that 
prosperity 
can 
come 
to 
manifestation 
of 
,Ii 
vine 
will. 
them 
only 
after 
the 
overthrow 
of 
the 
present 
form 
of 
gov- 
The 
Emperor 
is 
seeking 
to 
impress 
the 
people 
with 
the 
ernment, 
are 
responsible 
when 
the 
masses 
draw 
practical 
can- 
thought 
that 
they 
are 
his 
subjects, 
and 
that 
he 
is 
respon- 
elusions 
from 
such 
teachings. 
For 
this 
reason 
hold 
the 
sible 
to 
Go,! 
far 
their 
govemment. 
'l'hus 
politics 
and 
religion 
Socialists 
responsible 
for 
the 
exces.ses 
that 
were 
recently 
are 
more 
strongly 
than 
ever 
united. 
And 
the 
Pope's 
wishes 
committed 
and 
the 
strife 
in 
M:oabit, 
Berlin, 
and 
elsewhere. 
become 
pradically 
the 
law 
in 
Germany. 
'Whoever 
sows 
wind 
will 
reap 
whirlwind.' 
Meanwhile 
the 
pre,,;,'nt 
Pope 
is 
asserting 
himself 
against 
CONSCIENCE 
IN 
ACCUSATION 
what. 
ho 
styles 
modemism-higher 
critical 
infidelity, 
etc. 
It 
is 
fact 
that 
in 
their 
offensive 
tactics 
many 
of 
our 
ITe 
hns 
ref'ently 
issllI',l 
an 
e,lid 
that 
all 
ministers 
of 
the 
public 
men 
are 
deficient 
either 
in 
conscience 
or 
in 
manner, 
Catholic 
church 
shall 
be 
examined 
and 
sworn 
as 
respects 
or 
in 
bath. 
They 
make 
charges 
against 
their 
opponents 
reck- 
their 
lovaltv 
to 
th" 
Bihle 
and 
to 
the 
church 
of 
Rome-the 
les.sly. 
They 
say 
things 
which 
they 
cannot 
prove 
and 
which 
tests 
eXten:ling 
even 
to 
theological 
students, 
and 
requiring 
it 
is 
only 
charitable 
to 
their 
intellectuals 
to 
assume 
they 
do 
of 
them 
an 
oath 
annually. 
not 
believe. 
The 
Catholic 
prie.sts 
of 
Germany 
receh'e 
support 
from 
It 
seems 
to 
be 
the 
idea 
that 
if 
you 
throw 
enough 
mud 
the 
German 
treasury, 
as 
do 
the 
Protestant 
ministers. 
The 
some 
of 
it 
will 
stick, 
and 
none 
of 
it 
will 
spatter 
yourself; 
latter 
arc 
resenting 
the 
Pope's 
demands, 
while 
the 
Emperor 
that 
if 
you 
throw 
enough 
clubs 
some 
will 
land, 
and 
none 
inclinps 
to 
support 
them. 
Thus 
new 
cause 
of 
friction 
is 
return, 
boomerang 
fashion, 
on 
your 
own 
head. 
introdui'pd 
into 
Gt'rm:ln 
affairs. 
The 
Emperor 
must 
stand 
We 
say 
this 
notion 
is 
wrong. 
We 
believe 
that 
men 
who 
hy 
the 
Catholic 
party 
in 
Parliamellt, 
in 
oriler 
to 
have 
pas.sed 
are 
carele.ss 
in 
their 
words 
are 
equally 
careless 
in 
their 
acts. 
his 
schemes 
for 
gn'at 
navy 
an,l 
militarism 
in 
general. 
The 
man 
who, 
without 
justification, 
calls 
anoth"r 
rogu" 
is 
The 
Socialist 
:nlll 
Liberals 
in 
Parliament 
are 
demand- 
the 
man 
who 
will 
bear 
watching, 
for 
too 
often 
he 
credits 
ing 
separation 
of 
church 
and 
state, 
such 
as 
we 
have 
in 
the 
the 
other 
man 
with 
the 
same 
motives 
that 
control 
himself, 
Fnitp,l 
States; 
SUi'h 
ns 
has 
recently 
been 
established 
in 
and 
assumes 
that 
the 
other 
man 
has 
done 
what, 
with 
the 
France 
and 
Portugal. 
same 
opportunities, 
he 
would 
do 
himself. 
The 
('onflit>t 
],d\H~eJl 
Parlinment, 
the 
law-making 
body, 
Bearing 
false 
witness, 
however, 
is 
more 
than 
an 
un- 
anf} 
the 
Emperor 
an,l 
his 
executive 
boanl 
of 
administration 
favorable 
symptom. 
It 
is 
itself 
an 
offense 
almost 
equal- 
of 
govprnm"llt. 
grows 
in 
intensity. 
The 
Emperor's 
pro- 
in 
the 
scales 
of 
eternal 
justice 
probably 
held 
entirely 
equal 
nonnf'eml'nt 
that 
hp 
rpigns 
not 
hy 
the 
will 
of 
the 
German 
-to 
the 
offense 
charged. 
people, 
but 
by 
the 
grace 
of 
Gad, 
is 
publicly 
declared 
in 
The 
habit 
is 
not 
even 
good 
polities. 
It 
goes 
against 
Parliament 
to 
he 
an 
nttai'k 
upon 
the 
people 
and 
their 
Parlia- 
average 
human 
nature, 
which 
is 
.sportsmanlike 
and 
fair; 
ment. 
Thp 
theory 
01'pospd 
to 
thc 
Emperor 
is 
that 
he 
holdil 
and 
even 
the 
brutalized 
atmosphere 
of 
the 
ringside 
instinc- 
his 
authority 
in 
the 
State 
of 
Prussia 
by 
the 
gift 
of 
the 
peo- 
tively 
hisses 
the 
foul 
blow. 
What 
does 
it 
profit 
one 
to 
ex- 
1'1<' 
th,'re, 
allll 
that 
his 
title 
ns 
emperor 
of 
all 
the 
Germans 
hibit 
himself 
as 
man 
eager 
to 
win, 
regardless 
of 
every- 
i':lll1P 
10 
him 
from 
the 
Gprll1nn 
Parliament, 
which, 
having 
thing 
else' 
There 
is 
real 
chivalry 
in 
human 
nature. 
Every 
(']'e:ltpd 
him 
nn 
pmperar, 
is 
his 
superior 
and 
fully 
qualified 
manifestation 
of 
it 
has 
universal 
response. 
Why 
should 
to 
1:11(p 
from 
llim 
the 
Emperorship, 
and, 
if 
it 
choose, 
to 
it 
be 
considered 
bad 
politics' 
crpate 
R<'jlUblic. 
Maybe 
we 
are 
wrong, 
but 
our 
theory 
is 
that 
conscieni'e- 
Dr. 
David 
recently 
lleclared 
in 
Parlinment 
that 
the 
Kaiser 
less 
accusation 
derives 
as 
much 
from 
ignorance 
ns 
from 
hn,l 
written 
into 
the" 
gold 
book" 
of 
the 
German 
people, 
as 
malice. 
Many 
public 
men 
conduct 
campaigns 
on 
person 
ali- 
intpn,ll',l 
for 
pternity, 
the 
message, 
"by 
divine 
right 
am 
ties 
because 
they 
have 
not 
qualified 
to 
conduct 
them 
an 
ldng; 
henee, 
nIll 
resl'0nsihlp 
to 
the 
Lord 
alone. 
The 
weighty 
issues. 
It 
is 
easier 
to 
accuse, 
to 
clamor, 
to 
rail, 
than 
it 
is 
rpsponsibility, 
therefore, 
which 
the 
king 
bears 
for 
his 
people 
to 
get 
clear 
to 
the 
bottom 
of 
political 
or 
economic 
issue. 
gi\'es 
lJim 
thp 
right 
to 
expect 
faithful 
co-operation 
on 
the 
understand 
it 
yourself, 
and 
then 
so 
present 
it 
that 
others 
1':lrt 
of 
his 
subjects." 
can 
understand 
it. 
"But," 
said 
Dr. 
David, 
"we 
are 
no 
subjects. 
We 
are 
The 
mast 
sobering 
thing 
in 
the 
world 
is 
adequate 
knowl- 
frl'e 
citizens 
of 
8tnte. 
The 
people 
gave 
the 
Prussian 
king 
edge 
of 
subject, 
an 
appraisal 
of 
it 
from 
all 
sides. 
Those 
his 
crown 
in 
the 
h:\ttles 
of 
liberty, 
ann, 
as 
for 
the 
crown 
who 
achieve 
this 
knowledge 
nece.ssarily 
speak 
words 
of 
of 
the 
Empire, 
the 
matter 
is 
clear 
that 
the 
Kaiser 
received 
truth 
and 
soberness. 
They 
have 
neither 
the 
irirlination 
nor 
It 
from 
the 
Reichstag" 
(Parliament). 
the 
time 
to 
utter 
anything 
else.-New 
York 
Evening 
Mail. 
Another 
relll'esentative, 
Leilebour. 
said 
that 
German 
citi- 
zenship 
is 
stan,ling 
face 
to 
face 
with 
question 
of 
destiny. 
The 
lack 
of 
conscientiousness 
noted 
by 
the 
Mail 
amongst 
"Perhaps 
this 
CjllPstion 
is 
being 
raised 
for 
the 
last 
time," 
he 
politicians 
spems 
rqually 
noticeable 
amongst 
theologians 
and 
~ontinuell. 
'" 
"'Ve 
coulll 
fight 
our 
battle 
alone, 
and 
the 
others 
who, 
in 
profes.sing 
the 
name 
of 
Christ, 
imply 
that 
the.v 
result 
woul,l 
be 
hat 
all 
the 
men 
of 
people's 
parties 
who 
respect 
the 
standards 
of 
God's 
Won}, 
while 
their 
words 
ana 
disdain 
the 
divine 
right 
of 
kings, 
etc., 
would 
ultimately 
come 
conduct 
give 
the 
lie 
to 
their 
prof9ssions. 
on 
our 
side. 
If 
we 
(80ciaILsts) 
fight 
together 
with 
you 
PRESBYTERIAN 
MINISTERIAL 
UNBELIEF 
(Liberals) 
we 
will 
still 
maintain 
our 
aims. 
We 
hold 
fast 
The 
New 
York 
Presbytery 
not 
long 
since 
licensed 
Rev 
to 
our 
Republican 
,}em:lllds. 
As 
in 
other 
bnds, 
so 
in 
Ger- 
N. 
M. 
Thomas 
to 
preach 
the 
Gospel 
as 
representative 
af 
the 
many. 
Repuhlicanism 
must 
be 
fully 
developed. 
The 
spirit 
Pre.sbyterian 
denomination. 
The 
\'otp 
granting 
the 
license 
of 
the 
times, 
which 
the 
Kaiser 
ha'l 
declared 
pernicious, 
mm~t 
was 
thirty-four 
against 
ten 
who 
proteste,l-and 
the 
ten 
arc 
be 
victorious 
.... 
If 
you 
will 
fight 
with 
us, 
we 
will 
ulti- 
not 
active 
Pastors 
in 
charge 
of 
churehes. 
The 
mental 
atti 
mately 
win. 
An,} 
if 
the 
world 
were 
full 
of 
tlevils, 
we 
woulll, 
tude 
the 
Presbyterian 
Ministers 
of 
the 
New 
York 
Presby- 
nevertheless, 
succeed." 
tery 
is, 
therefore, 
reflectrd 
in 
th0 
faith 
of 
Re\'. 
Thomas, 
The 
approaching 
issue 
ill 
Germany 
is 
equal 
and 
un- 
which 
may 
be 
judged 
from 
the 
following 
items 
of 
protest:- 
limited 
franchise 
to 
rich 
an,} 
poor 
alike. 
The 
Socialists 
be- 
"He 
did 
not 
accept 
thl' 
authority 
of 
Holy 
Scripture 
as 
lieyl' 
that 
this 
paint 
gaim',l 
will 
mean 
peaceable 
revolution 
the 
only 
infallible 
rulp 
of 
faith 
an,l 
practise 
as 
,sufficient 
in 
Germany. 
Others 
fear 
that 
rather 
than 
permit 
the 
Parlia- 
to 
finally 
determine 
his 
faith. 
This 
appeared 
in 
his 
1'0- 
(51-52) 
[4762] 
Vout. XXXII No. 4 BROOKULYN, N. Y., FEBRUARY 15, 1911 VIEWS FROM THE WATCH TOWER DANGER POINT IN GERMANY NEAR Years ago the German Emperor, although ostensibly the head of a Protestant church, found it necessary to conciliate the representatives of the Centrist-Catholie Party, which previously had been decreed by his government to be the ‘‘powers of darkness.’’ By now the Socialists and other radical parties in Parliament are numerically so strong and so opposed to the Kaiser’s schemes that his government policies would fail without the Catholie support. Socialists in the Reichstag (Parliament) twit the Emperor and the Catholics with the suggestion that as the Catholics were once officially known as the ‘‘powers of darkness,’? and opposed to the government which represents the divine will, so their coming into powcr with the government should be understood as a return of divine favor toward them; and that now that Socialists are coming into power, this should be regarded by the Empcror and all as the latest manifestation of divine will. The Emperor is secking to impress the people with the thought that they are his subjects, and that he is responsible to God for their government. Thus politics and religion are more strongly than ever united. And the Pope’s wishes become practically the law in Germany. Meanwhile the present Pope is asserting himself against what he styles modernism—higher eritical infidelity, ete. Ile has reeently issued an edict that all ministers of the Catholic church shall be examined and sworn as respects their loyalty to the Bible and to the church of Rome—the tests extending even to theological students, and requiring of them an oath annually. The Catholie priests of Germany receive support from the German treasury, as do the Protestant ministers. The latter are resenting the Pope’s demands, while the Emperor inclines to support them. Thus a new cause of friction is introdueed into German affairs. The Emperor must stand by the Catholic party in Parliament, in order to have passed his schemes for a great navy and militarism in general. The Socialists and Liberals in Parliament are demanding separation of church and state, such as we have in the United States; such as has recently been established in France and Portugal. The conflict between Parliament, the law-making body, and the Emperor and his executive board of administration of government grows in intensity. The Emperor’s pronouneement that he reigns not by the will of the German people, but by the grace of God, is publicly declared in Parliament to be an attack upon the people and their Parliament. The theory opposed to the Emperor is that he holds his authority in the State of Prussia by the gift of the people there, and that his title as emperor of ail the Germans eame to him from the German Parliament, which, having created him an emperor, is his superior and fully qualified te take from him the Emperorship, and, if it choose, to ereate a Republic. Dr. David recently declared in Parliament that the Kaiser had written into the ‘‘gold book’’ of the German people, as intended for cternity, the message, ‘‘by divine right I am king; henec, am responsible to the Lord alone. The weighty responsibility, therefore, which the king bears for his people gives him the right to expect faithful co-operation on the part of his subjects.’?’ “«But,’’ said Dr. David, ‘‘we are no subjects. We are free citizens of a State. The people gave the Prussian king his erown in the battles of liberty, and, as for the crown of the Empire, the matter is clear that the Kaiser received it from the Reichstag’’ (Parliament). Another representative, Ledebour, said that German citizenship is standing face to face with a question of destiny. ‘Perhaps this question is being raised for the last time,’’ he continued. .. ‘*We eould fight our battle alone, and the result would be that all the men of people’s parties who disdain the divine right of kings, etc., would ultimately come on our side. If we (Socialists) fight together with you (Liberals) we will still maintain our aims. We hold fast to our Republican demands. As in other Jands, so in Germany. Republicanism must be fully developed. The spirit of the times, which the Kaiser had declared pernicious, must be victorious. ... If you will fight with us, we will ultimately win. And if the world were full of devils, we would, nevertheless, succeed.’’ The approaching issue in Germany is equal and unlimited franchise to rich and poor alike. The Socialists believe that this point gained will mean a peaceable revolution in Germany. Others fear that rather than permit the Parlia (51-52) ment to be thus freed from the imperial control, the Emperor, acting upon his claim of divine right to reign, would put the country under imperial law without a Parliament, and reign as an autocrat. It is further feared that such a move would mean civil strife, anarchy, bloodshed. All seem agreed that the issue between the Kaiser and the people cannot long be deferred of solution. The German Chancellor is quoted as using the following language: ‘‘The revolutionary character of the Socialist party becomes more pronounced and brutal in its character. Dr. Carl Liebknecht, a Social-Democrat of the Prussian Diet, in an address delivered in the United States recently, said that the conditions in Germany were such as might cause the German crown to be blown away in a single night, just as was the case with Portugal. Our nation must have a clear answer to expressions of such character. The Socialists and all those teaching the masses that prosperity can come to them only after the overthrow of the present form of government, are responsible when the masses draw practical conclusions from such teachings. For this reason I hold the Socialists responsible for the excesses that were recently committed and the strife in Moabit, Berlin, and elsewhere. “Whoever sows wind will reap a whirlwind.’ ”’ CONSCIENCE IN ACCUSATION It is a fact that in their offensive tactics many of our public men are deficient either in conscience or in manner, or in both. They make charges against their opponents recklessly. They say things which they cannot prove and which it is only charitable to their intellectuals to assume they do not believe. It seems to be the idea that if you throw enough mud some of it will stick, and none of it will spatter yourself; that if you throw enough clubs some will land, and none return, boomerang fashion, on your own head. We say this notion is wrong. We believe that men who are careless in their words are equally careless in their acts. The man who, without justification, calls another a rogue is the man who will bear watching, for too often he credits the other man with the same motives that control himself, and assumes that the other man has done what, with the same opportunities, he would do himself. Bearing false witness, however, is more than an unfavorable symptom. It is itself an offense almost cqual— in the scales of eternal justice probably held entirely equal —to the offense charged. The habit is not even good politics. It goes against average human nature, which is sportsmanlike and fair; and even the brutalized atmosphere of the ringside instinetively hisses the foul blow. What does it profit one to exhibit himself as a man eager to win, regardless of everything else? There is real chivalry in human nature. Every manifestation of it has a universal response. Why should it be considered bad politics? Maybe we are wrong, but our theory is that conscienceless accusation derives as much from ignorance as from malice. Many public men conduct campaigns on personalities because they have not qualified to conduct them on issues. It is easier to accuse, to clamor, to rail, than it is to get clear to the bottom of a political or economic issuc, understand it yourself, and then so present it that others can understand it. The most sobering thing in the world is adequate know]edge of a subject, an appraisal of it from all sides. Those who achieve this knowledge necessarily speak words of truth and soberness. They have neither the inclination nor the time to utter anything else—New York Evening Mail. * * * The lack of conscientiousness noted by the Mail amongst politicians seems equally noticeable amongst theologians and others who, in professing the name of Christ, imply that they respect the standards of God’s Word, while their words and conduct give the lie to their professions. PRESBYTERIAN MINISTERIAL UNBELIEF The New York Presbytery not long since licensed Rev N. M. Thomas to preach the Gospel as representative of the Presbyterian denomination. The vote granting the license was thirty-four against ten who protested—and the ten are not active Pastors in charge of churehes. The mental atti tude of the Presbyterian Ministers of the New York Presbytery is, therefore, reflected in the faith of Rev. Thomas, which may be judged from the following items of protest:— ‘‘He did not accept the authority of Holy Scripture as the only infallible rule of faith and practise as sufficient to finally determine his faith. This appeared in his re [4762]

This website uses cookies to improve the website and your experience. By continuing to browse this website, you are agreeing to our use of cookies. If you require further information or do not wish to accept cookies when using this website, please visit our Global Policy on Use of Cookies and Similar Technologies .